Although the representation of the social spaces is both vertically and horizontally oriented, by the volume and distribution of cultural and economic capitals, the hierarchized articulation of cultural genres (musical genres in this case) does not change. 98–99)īourdieu's use of the “column” to describe the social space of taste is valid on a holistic axis but incomplete because it does not account for the horizontal axis that governs, according to Bourdieu, the internal opposition of each social subspace (popular, upper middle-class and dominant) between cultural and economic capitals. Is “distinction” really outdated? Questioning the meaning of the omnivorization of musical taste in contemporary France. In this context, it is also significant that none of the eight musical genres could be unambiguously described as typical of lower class taste” (Coulangeon & Lemel, 2007 Coulangeon, P. These basic features radically eliminate any attempt to map the distribution of musical taste in terms of biunivocal social homology: highbrow music is no more music of the upper-class than pop music the music of the lower class. 0.31 and 0.18, respectively), a large majority of the service class respondents did not specify classical music (about 0.69). “Moreover, although the proportion of service class respondents who specify classical music and opera among the genres they listen to most often is considerably higher than in the overall population (i.e. In the French context the two genres electronic music and r'n'b need to be precised in French use, the first term does not refer to an avant garde computer-synthesised music but to electro music or techno (included Air, Daft punk, Garnier, Guetta…) the second, r'n'b does not mean rhythm and blues or black music but included what could be called “pop” in an American way (in this survey r'n'b is therefore associated with “international variety”). It confirms a major transformation in judgments of taste in the musical field. Six classes of musical taste emerge with a limited share of dislikes and a strong age differentiation. Our analysis tests the “tablatures” of musical likes, dislikes and indifferences hypothesis within the French population through a factor and classification analysis method. In doing this, the article utilises a ‘tablature of tastes’ model which infers the incommensurability of musical genres and taste judgments no longer based on “rejections/dislikes” but rather on “openness/tolerance” or “indifference/ignorance”. In reference to the 2008 statistical survey on French cultural practices and tastes, this article challenges conventional understandings of the taste patterns informing music consumption in contemporary France. Changes in taste judgements in multicultural societies problematise the understanding and representation of the structuration of tastes. Peterson challenged the model showing the eclectism and the mix of classical and popular genres among the tastes of elite. The distinction model asserts a hierarchical classification of tastes and genre and an aesthetic judgment based on rejection. In France, the social-stratification model based on Bourdieu's Distinction is still one of the main theoretical models used to analyse cultural tastes.
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